The new ‘special relationship’

President Barack Obama’s tête-à-tête with German Chancellor Angela Merkel at last weekend’s G7 summit opened the door to a stronger partnership between the United States and Germany.  We should seize this opportunity.

For generations transatlantic relations have been anchored by the so-called “special relationship” between the United States and the United Kingdom.  The cohesiveness of this alliance was rooted not only in a common language and cultural heritage, but also arose out of largely overlapping interests and agendas.  But times have changed, and U.S. foreign policy should adapt accordingly.  While Britain remains a critical partner, American policymakers should recognize that the epicenter of power in Europe has shifted from London to Berlin, at least insofar as American interests are concerned.

 Illustrating this point is the recent parliamentary election in the U.K., wherein the British electorate returned a Tory government to Westminster with a mandate to extract Britain from many of its entanglements with the European Union.  No doubt, Britain’s growing skepticism with the EU’s capacity to tackle the manifold challenges facing Europe contributed to the rising tide of anti-EU sentiment.  In a larger sense, however, this development foreshadows Britain’s pivot away from geopolitical leadership toward a more inward looking focus in the years ahead.  As British power recedes from the world stage, the U.S. must look elsewhere for its principal partnership in Europe.  Wise counsel advises that Germany fill the void.

True, U.S.-German relations were badly damaged by revelations of high-level U.S. spying within the German government, including the wiretapping of Chancellor Merkel’s telephone; and the specter of Germany’s fallout with the U.S. over the Iraq War still haunts relations between Washington and Berlin.  But beyond these diplomatic sensitivities is the potential for a stronger U.S. presence in Europe through a closer relationship with Germany.  Germany is a reluctant power whose foreign policy is typified by a reticence to fully assert itself in European policy.  Indeed, Germany’s restraint leaves a leadership vacuum in Europe that’s unlikely to be filled by any of the traditional European powers.

The United States can, and should, capitalize on this dynamic to play a larger role in shaping the course of European affairs in the years to come.  Indeed, a stronger U.S.-Germany partnership is critical not only to providing an effective counterbalance to Russia’s increasingly belligerent foreign policy but also to defeating malignant terror cells operating in Europe and beyond.

The destabilization resulting from Russia’s invasion of Ukraine offers a useful case study.  Short of military engagement, the United States is unlikely to succeed in driving Russian troops from occupied territories in Ukraine.  Without a cohesive sanctions regime among the countries of Europe, particularly those currently dependent on Russian oil and gas, Russian troops are unlikely to budge from their current footholds in Ukraine.  True, Moscow feels U.S. sanctions, but U.S.-Russia economic ties lack sufficient depth to enable American sanctions alone to be a meaningful counterforce to Russian aggression.  Key to achieving an effective sanctions framework, and to securing Russia’s European neighbors, is a stronger role for Germany in shaping European policy.

To do this, the United States must validate a stronger leadership role for Germany in European affairs.  One way to accomplish this is through broader cooperation between Washington and Berlin in such spheres as intelligence gathering and counterterrorism.  Germany should be a full partner in U.S. efforts to root out terrorist networks in Europe, particularly in identifying radicalizing elements and those seeking to cooperate with al-Qaeda and the self-proclaimed Islamic State.  The U.S. and Germany share this common challenge, and a deeper partnership will serve both countries’ interests in the long run—but we must begin the process now.

The next president of the United States will inherit myriad foreign policy challenges that will require bold and enlightened leadership.  Acknowledging that Germany is now America’s most important European partner would be a wise place to start.

Olson served as a legislative assistant to then-Rep. David Wu from 2007-2010, and later served as an economic affairs analyst at the U.S. Embassy in Turkey from 2012-2014.