Don’t be duped by Hungarian extremists

Guess who’s coming to Washington. If your answer happens to be Europe’s most powerful ultra-rightist, antisemitic party, you’re right.

Parliamentarians from Hungary’s three largest parties are in Washington, and the second largest is Jobbik, a neo-fascist party that won 20 percent of the vote in a recent national election. A shadowy lobbying group has arranged the visit, which is cloaked in mystery, but the fact alone that Jobbik is trying to build ties in Washington should be cause for alarm.

{mosads}Jobbik is cultivating extremism both in Hungary, where Prime Minister Victor Orban grows evermore authoritarian, and in the European Parliament, where extremist, far-right parties have formed a bloc. Across the continent, a resurgence of ultra-nationalism and neo-fascism threatens the rights and safety of ethnic, racial, and religious minorities. Along with Greece’s Golden Dawn, Jobbik is the bloody tip of Europe’s far-right spear.

Jobbik has ascended largely on the strength of its vicious anti-immigrant, anti-Roma agenda. Its leader, Gabor Vona, recently criticized Fidesz, Orban’s ruling party, for ignoring the “problem” of Roma living together with the mainstream population. The parliamentarian who will represent Jobbik in DC helped found the now banned Hungarian Guard, a paramilitary group that used to storm through villages inciting violence against Roma as it recruited members for Jobbik.

Antisemitism is also inherent to Jobbik, which is thriving in a country where, according to a 2013 poll, 50 percent of Jews have considered emigrating because they feel unsafe. A few examples of Jobbik’s anti-semitism: A Jobbik mayor claimed Jews controlled the country and called for the execution of several liberal politicians; a Jobbik parliamentarian, in the name of national security, called for the creation of a list of Jews serving in the government; the head of Jobbik’s youth arm recently complained about a mandatory class on the Holocaust at a Hungarian Catholic University.

Despite declaring a “no tolerance” policy on anti-semitism, Prime Minister Orban generally hasn’t challenged the extremism of Jobbik; on the contrary, he’s co-opted many components of its agenda, exploiting the very hatreds on which Jobbik subsists. The policy research outfit Political Capital compiled a list of ten Jobbik proposals that Fidesz implemented at least in part. These include efforts to whitewash Hungary’s role in the Holocaust, crack down on immigrants, reinstate the death penalty, and strengthen ties to authoritarian regimes.

Orban’s embrace of Jobbik’s policies is part of a broad increase in repression under his rule. He’s changed the constitution to increase his power and restricted the ability of civil society activists and independent journalists to operate freely. He’s not coy about his intentions; he’s declared his desire to create an “illiberal state” within the Russian sphere of influence, and he’s well on his way, as evidenced by Vladimir Putin’s visit to Budapest earlier this year and a massive energy deal with Russia.

Hungary is an important ally for the United States, and in the past year senior U.S. officials from President Obama on down have expressed their concerns about Orban’s leadership. They should continue to do so. They shouldn’t allow a charm offensive from Hungarian politicians to soften their support for human rights and Hungarian democracy. Hungarians deserve better.

As Jobbik gains power both in Hungary and the EU, Vona has been trying to give his party a makeover, downplaying its racism in favor of an anti-corruption message. But policy makers in Washington, whose validation Jobbik seeks, shouldn’t be fooled.

Policymakers shouldn’t meet with a member of this extremist, antisemitic party. There’s no place for antisemitism in Europe, and there’s no place for it in Congress. And if they meet with the Fidesz parliamentarian, they should grill him on his party’s Jobbik-lite policies. They should ask: if you rub off the ugly stain of Jobbik’s blatant racism, is there a significant difference between Jobbik and Fidesz?  

Stahnke is Human Rights First’s vice president for research and analysis.