House Democrats’ 3D inaction film

The “D” in House Democrats has morphed into a 3D inaction film marked by division, disarray, and delay (with potential defeat and doom lurking in the wings). It all came to a head (again) on Thursday, Oct. 28 — a day on which Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) promised (for the third time) a final vote on agreeing to the House-passed $1 trillion infrastructure bill, thereby clearing the measure for the president’s signature.

The holdup was occasioned by a general agreement among Democrats and the president that the bill would be considered “in tandem” with the $3.5 trillion “Build Back Better” social spending reconciliation bill. Sens. Joe Manchin (D-W.Va.) and Kyrsten Sinema (D-Ariz.) balked at the scope and cost of that original proposed plan and had been negotiating for months to pare back the ambitious package. Assuming unified Republican opposition to the bill, without the duo’s votes the measure would fail in the 50-50 party split Senate.

Finally, on Oct. 28, President Biden and Democratic congressional leaders announced agreement on the “framework” for the reconciliation package, cutting in half the original cost to $1.75 trillion over ten years (with some, if not total, offsetting revenue increases, depending on how the Congressional Budget Office scores the package).          

Notwithstanding the joyful cries of success from the top, the House Progressive Caucus promised it would still vote against the pending infrastructure bill if the reconciliation bill didn’t have an ironclad signoff by Manchin and Sinema, and assurance of passage. It was a Charlie Brown moment of fear and distrust that Lucy would again pull the football, landing Charlie on his derriere. Perhaps Charlie would be better advised to switch to the apparent game of the day in Congress — kicking the can down the road.

The Progressives’ threat prompted the leadership to spur its procedural arm, the House Rules Committee, to call an emergency meeting at 3 p.m. that same day to consider a special rule to clear the reconciliation bill for floor action. That was not enough to mollify the liberals. 

Consequently, after taking testimony on the reconciliation bill into the early evening, Rules Committee Chairman Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) recessed the meeting, “subject to a call of the chair.” In the meantime, the House passed a second one-month extension of expired surface transportation programs under a suspension of the rules (requiring a two-thirds vote for passage), 358-59. The House then adjourned for the week, leaving both the infrastructure and reconciliation bills dangling in legislative limbo. 

Some interpreted the reversal of promised action on infrastructure and lack of movement on reconciliation a slap in the face of President Biden who made a second trip to the House Democratic Caucus to plead for action on his programs, reportedly telling Democrats that the success of his presidency and future Democratic control of both chambers depended on enacting these two priority measures. 

Moreover, there was an embarrassment factor involved in flying-off to Europe empty-handed for global summits in Rome and Glasgow, Scotland. But one news report indicated that the president surprised some Democratic leaders by not making a direct appeal to pass the infrastructure bill that day as he was departing.

The Rules Committee’s postponement of reporting a rule for action on the reconciliation bill was also explained the following day when it was reported that progressives were still negotiating for reinsertion of some of the bill’s deleted provisions. The liberal cohort had been especially dismayed at the jettisoning of such crown jewels as free community college tuition and paid family leave, though no one realistically expected those substantive provisions could be revived at this point. Speaker Pelosi put-out a directive Friday for the kibitzers to put “all pens down” by Sunday evening so the final language could be written and locked-in this week.

Meantime, House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) put out his “Weekly Leader” legislative agenda for this week, cautiously avoiding any commitment for action on the two bills by a date certain. Instead, he noted at the end of the schedule only “Possible consideration” of “the Build Back Better Act,” and the final vote on concurring in the Senate amendment to “the Infrastructure Investment and Jobs Act.” Only a rollcall vote remains on the latter measure as it was debated and passed by voice vote back on Sept. 28, with the Speaker on Sep. 30 postponing a recorded vote to an unspecified later date.

It remains to be seen whether Democrats will be able to turn their 3D inaction movie into a happily ever-after, feel-good flick. Hope always springs eternal, even in this uncertain Fall.

Don Wolfensberger is a fellow at the Woodrow Wilson International Center for Scholars and the Bipartisan Policy Center, former staff director of the House Rules Committee, and author of “Changing Cultures in Congress: From Fair Play to Power Plays.”