How can Dems ensure a blue wave? The answer is in their name

Democrats are liking their chances going into this November’s congressional elections. History is behind them, including a strong precedent of opposition midterm gains and recent special elections revealing unusual GOP weakness. And so are most polls. Taking back the House looks likely, while a Democratic Senate is in play as well.

Nonetheless, internal debates and divisions continue to undermine Democrats’ confidence in — and arguably their chances of — a “blue wave” election in November. Denizens of democratic socialism and social justice urge greater radicalism to rally the Democrats’ multi-cultural base and boost turnout.

{mosads}Abolish ICE, student debt, institutional racism and the patriarchy, pushing full-steam for impeachment are all rallying cries of the left. Pragmatists warn of the dangers of identity politics and emphasize a more traditional mix of working- and middle-class appeals, hoping to avoid scaring off older, white Americans, who tend to vote at a more steady clip.  

As such, the party’s core message remains muddled. What does the Democratic Party stand for? Ironically, a simple and effective answer to this question is right in front of the Democrats’ face, quite literally embedded in their party’s very name. As this author humbly suggested in the dark days of December 2016:  

“To bounce back from Trump’s election, the Democrats must simply de-capitalize. Embrace the lower case. Turn the (D)emocrats into the (d)emocrats, focused on and united by the defense and promotion of political rights, civil liberties and rule of law that made and will continue to make America great. Both at home and abroad, make democracy the Democrat’s primary cause, core principle, and most visible brand.”

As argued then, the opportunity for the Democrats to become the party of democrats is a big one: After all, Republicans, who under Reagan, and to a lesser extent Bush 41 and 43, captured much of the rhetorical small “d” democrat terrain, appear to have traded their praise of democracy’s virtues for the siren songs of populism and nationalism.

Under Donald Trump, the GOP will be led by the most anti-democratic presidential candidate in contemporary American history, whose cabinet is staffed by a frightening number of plutocrats and generals and whose chief strategist’s political philosophy is frighteningly similar to national socialism.

With some notable exceptions, Republican leaders (not to mention the president-elect himself) have been remarkably sanguine about Russian meddling in the 2016 election, and, just as alarmingly, their supporters’ growing tolerance for authoritarianism and rejection of democratic norms.

Meanwhile, the Tea Party’s pseudo-libertarian claim to grassroots democratic purity has gone up in the smoke of Trump’s economic populism and ethnic chauvinism.  

As such — and amazingly, in the world’s oldest democracy — there is now both ideological and strategic space for the Democrats to embrace basic democratic principles as the foundation of a popular campaign, which could help propel them back to power.

Needless to say, after the last 18 months of forced family separations, Helsinki, Charlottesville, travel bans, “Enemy of the People,” myriad lies about voter fraud and incessant attacks on judicial authorities, this analysis is even more pertinent today.

Some Democratic partisans may (still) dismiss this appeal with “been there, done that,” citing the party’s platform defending minority voting rights, women’s rights, LGBTQ rights, immigrant rights, union rights and the like.

Some may also respond with post-Bush, Obama-era cynicism about the perils of promoting democracy abroad and declining support for democracy among Western millennials. 

Yet, these positions will not unite the party around a common — and critically important — message and set of values. By contrast, the chance for Democrats to claim (and proclaim) the defense of democratic rights as core principle may well provide the center pole for the Democratic Party’s big tent of social, economic and cultural identities.

It will also help Democrats court independents and even conservatives who cherish individual freedom and democratic institutions and who view the party’s previous emphasis on identity politics as inherently divisive. Indeed, the likes of George Will and Charles Koch are already there.

Indeed, effectively every American has been inculcated with at least a superficial admiration for and loyalty to democracy and democratic values, helping a Democratic campaign that puts defending democracy front and center to resonate deeply and widely.

While democracy can be a broad, malleable concept that Republicans could still try claim as their own and cloud the Democrats’ message, the GOP’s (d)evolution into the “Party of Trump” should put this worry to rest.

Indeed, Trump’s now clear disdain for political rights, civil liberties and the rule of law will give Democrats ample opportunity for political and moral clarity on these fronts.

Likewise, promoting and defending democracy at home will now more easily unite Democrats on what American should do (and represent) abroad. Opposing Trump’s efforts at disrupting U.S. alliances with democracies abroad while cozying up with dictators is a no-brainer for both liberal internationalists and their more left-wing compatriots.

While the former will welcome the opportunity to once again project the liberal ideal of American freedom overseas by loudly fighting for it within their own borders, the latter can more credibly fly the party’s flag while pushing for global citizenship and open borders, fostered by an outward-looking America.

What’s more, President Trump’s penchant for trade wars has already facilitated more (d)emocratic unity on previously divisive issues like free trade. Democracy may be down, but it is not out. To achieve their “blue wave,” the (d)emocrats must embrace it. 

Mark Y. Rosenberg is CEO of GeoQuant, which develops a platform for measuring political risk in real time. He’s also an adjunct professor at Columbia’s School of International and Public Affairs.