The mainstream media regularly casts Donald Trump’s political journey in the bold hues of radical extremes. Trump’s colorful rhetoric often obscures the substance behind his bombast, but a closer look at his policy stances — from border security to his support for gay marriage while opposing left-wing gender ideologies — aligns more with the views of a majority of Americans than Democrats care to acknowledge.
Trump’s recent abortion announcement encapsulates this approach. His statement affirms the sanctity of human life while recognizing the value of reproductive technology. By deferring to the states on abortion, he underscores the core of the pro-life argument to overturn Roe v. Wade, which echoes the preferences of many Americans — a stark contrast to Joe Biden’s more absolutist approach on the subject.
It is not just President Biden who’s out of touch. The gulf between the position of most Americans (and Trump) on abortion and Democratic Party orthodoxy is significant. The Democrats, as Trump aptly remarked, seem to have placed themselves at an impasse, firmly resisting any limits on abortion, a stance at odds with not only the American electorate but also the international consensus.
The American left’s radicalism is particularly striking when considering the laws of most European nations, often seen as exemplars of progressive social policies, which implement more stringent abortion regulations than those proposed by most Democratic leaders or the liberal groups that back their candidates. This is not merely a discrepancy; it is a fundamental division that places Democratic candidates not at the vanguard of progressivism but on the fringes of global policies and perspectives.
The reality is that abortion is a complex issue and most Americans do not fall neatly under conventional “pro-life” or “pro-choice” labels. They straddle a middle ground that neither advocates for outright prohibition nor champions unrestricted access. Though opinions vary by region, the consensus view on abortion in the U.S. is a preference for a policy that delicately navigates the intricate terrain between protecting individual privacy and upholding the sanctity of life.
The framework embraced by Trump, which emphasizes state-level decision-making, appears to capture this centrist ethos. It resonates with the wider American public — including a significant 63 percent of conservative voters — who believe that such morally detailed and intimate choices should be made closer to home, not in Washington.
It’s difficult to overstate the importance of branding in the abortion debate, and few people in American public life have ever harnessed the power of marketing like Donald Trump. Our own findings at WPA Intelligence bear testament to this — the way abortion policies are labeled strongly influences public opinion. For instance, a 15-week abortion restriction garners significantly more support if it is associated with a “pro-choice” label rather than a “pro-life” label — a clear indication that perceptions can be as critical as underlying substance, if not more so.
Trump’s abortion platform is particularly shrewd in the face of recent polling data. A Wall Street Journal survey from last month revealed that in swing states, abortion is the sole issue where Biden holds a significant lead over his GOP rival. With Trump already leading on critical issues like immigration and the economy, bridging the gap on abortion could prove beneficial.
After a series of setbacks on abortion referendums in traditionally conservative states, and with the Supreme Court of Florida poised to let its citizens voice their opinion on the matter this November, it is clear that Trump understands that the abortion issue is as much about being perceived as extreme as it is about actual public policy. Republicans up and down the ballot could benefit from heeding such nuance.
Amanda Iovino is a principal at WPA Intelligence, and served as the polling director and led data efforts for Virginia Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s 2021 gubernatorial campaign.