Angela Alsobrooks creates a springboard for Black political power in Maryland

Maryland Democrats selected Angela Alsobrooks in Tuesday’s primary as their nominee for the Senate seat held by the retiring Ben Cardin. For many Black Democrats in the state — and across the country — her victory is one of the more consequential outcomes of 2024. That’s because the Alsobrooks campaign is seen as a springboard for Black power in a moderate Southern state.

Most press coverage of the primary has depicted Alsobrooks’s candidacy from the perspective of women’s political empowerment; specifically, that Alsobrooks would make the Senate more inclusive for women and, to an extent, those of color. In addition, she could be a credible voice on the national debate over abortion, although there is no ban in Maryland.

But to some Black political observers, her election to the Senate would consolidate a historic movement for statewide representation. The politics in Maryland are a game-changer in the American racial experience. Black voters comprise about 30 percent of its 6 million population and more than half of the Democratic base. They are organized in a suburban-urban coalition with a newfound ability to exercise influence as party leaders or swing voters.

While Maryland’s racial demographics are similar to those of Delaware, Georgia or Louisiana, its level of Black political organization and expertise is more advanced and capable of managing a state political coalition. In 2022, for instance, Democrats made history with the elections of Wes Moore as governor and Anthony Brown as attorney general. While the politicians represent the broad interests of the state, their powerbase gives leeway to shape an agenda of equity for their community.

As such, Maryland has become a symbol for the new capital of Black America. And it serves as a model for Black voters in other moderate Southern states to accrue political influence —foremost Delaware, Virginia, North Carolina and Georgia. Moreover, such influence need not be confined to the Democratic Party, but could extend to political realignments as well.

Alsobrooks is the county executive of Prince George’s County, a suburban base of power for Black middle-class professionals. The 53-year-old single mother is a former state attorney for “PG County” and a life-long state resident. Her campaign centers policies to bolster the economy, reduce crime and nurture Black family wealth, among other priorities. She has the backing of the state’s Democratic establishment, including Cardin.

Her campaign gained traction in the state Democratic establishment when Black women bemoaned the lack of representation in the Senate. Only two Black women have ever been elected to the chamber: Kamala Harris of California (2017-2021) and Carol Moseley Braun of Illinois (1993-1999). After the death of Sen. Dianne Feinstein, California Gov. Gavin Newsom appointed Laphonza Butler, a former president of Emily’s List, to a one-year term, but the appointment did little to placate the demands for a full-term senator.

Alsobrooks defeated Rep. David Trone, a three-term member of the House of Representatives with a support base of moderate white men, among others. Trone, 68, is the co-founder of the Total Wine & More liquor corporation and had the wherewithal to self-fund his campaign, reportedly putting an unprecedented $68 million into TV ads — but still failed to overcome Alsobrooks in a crowded field. He had the backing of top House Democrats, such as Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries.

Trone’s once promising campaign encountered headwinds over questions of business donations to right-wing politicians, such as Texas Gov. Greg Abbott, and for his odd use of the word “jigaboo” when describing a Republican tax policy. The word has been used as a disparaging term for Black people, and Trone apologized for any misunderstanding.

In late polls, however, Alsobrooks surged ahead with a coalition of Black and women voters. She raised $5.8 million, a respectable amount under ordinary circumstances, though overwhelmed by Trone’s deep pockets. Going into the general election, she is in position to run a strong campaign, but will need to maximize the base turnout and appeal to Trone’s moderate white male supporters.

Alsobrooks will face Republican Larry Hogan, the former two-term governor, in the general election. He was a late entry in a crowded GOP primary field, but quickly assumed a commanding lead. Known as an anti-Trump Republican, he decided to run when congressional Republicans killed the bipartisan bill to secure the border and provide military assistance to Ukraine, Taiwan and Israel. His popularity presented something of a quandary for Democrats; would Trone or Alsobrooks put up the better-funded fight in a general election? The Hogan campaign is expected to attract support from donors seeking to flip the seat to the Republicans.

The Alsobrooks campaign offers the best chance for Black Democrats to advance their political representation in state politics, and, by extension, to develop a political class capable of managing state government. The organization can draw from a relatively large and talented professional class drawn to the Washington, D.C. job market and a skilled working class in Baltimore.

Gov. Moore has been particularly keen in demonstrating the ability to mobilize his base across class lines while developing alliances with white and ethnic voters. His performance during the rebuilding of the Francis Scott Key Bridge is one example of the emerging Black-led state governance style.

Angela Alsobrooks seeks to expand on this new political style. Her primary victory has laid the foundation for a competitive campaign in the general election.

Roger House is professor emeritus of American Studies at Emerson College and the author of “Blue Smoke: The Recorded Journey of Big Bill Broonzy” and “South End Shout: Boston’s Forgotten Music Scene in the Jazz Age.” His forthcoming book is “Five Hundred Years of Black Self Governance” (Louisiana State University Press).