Justice for Jamal Khashoggi
Five years ago, my constituent was brutally murdered yet justice and accountability for those who carried out this heinous act remain absent. As the world collectively remembers the life of Jamal Khashoggi and the indelible mark he left on the fight for reform in the Arab world, it’s long overdue that Congress and the administration rethink our relationship with the Saudi kingdom.
After a prominent journalistic career in Saudi Arabia, Jamal moved to the United States to live in self-imposed exile due to credible fears that he would be arrested or banned from leaving the kingdom. Jamal received an O-1 visa, which is reserved for those with “extraordinary ability or achievement,” and settled in Virginia’s 11th District. Jamal became a columnist for the Washington Post and remained one of the most prominent and courageous voices for reform in the Arab world.
Just a few months before Jamal Khashoggi was killed, I had the pleasure of dining with him, and I found him to be an amiable and mild-mannered gentleman. He recounted his turbulent journey from his time as a prominent journalist in Saudi Arabia and his pragmatic vision for reform.
On Oct. 2, 2018, Jamal entered the Saudi consulate in Istanbul to pick up some routine paperwork related to his upcoming marriage. What should have been simply an administrative errand to prepare for a joyous occasion instead became a tragic end to an extraordinary life.
We now know that a team of 15 Saudi agents traveled to Turkey in a premeditated operation to permanently silence Jamal’s powerful voice, at the direction of Saudi Crown Prince Mohamed bin Salman. Why does this matter? Why should those who didn’t even know Jamal care?
The brutal murder of a legal U.S. resident and Washington Post columnist is a direct attack on a core American democratic institution — the freedom of the press. When we fail to stand up for press freedom by turning a blind eye to violence against journalists, we empower oppressive regimes seeking to undermine the truth. We erode the strength of international norms and protections for the freedom of expression. And we put a target on the back of those brave journalists who remain willing to report the facts on controversial issues in dark places.
Jamal lived a life worth emulating, touching those around him with his kindness, advocating for modest reform from within the Arab world, and inspiring his readers with his honesty and integrity.
The best way that we can honor his legacy is by pursuing that to which he dedicated his life — the truth — and protecting his colleagues from falling victim to the same fate. And we must finally tear down the culture of impunity that led these officials to believe that they could turn a diplomatic consulate into an abattoir.
It was for this reason that last year, I led 31 of my colleagues in requesting an update on the status of the administration’s review and assessment of the U.S.-Saudi relationship and how current U.S. policy on Saudi Arabia is advancing core U.S. interests. It remains our view that our continued unqualified support for a monarchy that systematically and ruthlessly represses its own citizens, targets critics all over the world, and bolsters authoritarian regimes throughout the region runs counter to U.S. national interests and damages our credibility.
I am proud to be the author of the Protection of Saudi Dissidents Act, legislation which would finally hold Saudi Arabia accountable for the murder of Jamal Khashoggi and impose a cost on Saudi Arabia for continuing to engage in such acts of intimidation and violence going forward.
This bill would prohibit arms sales—regardless of the amount—to Saudi intelligence, internal security, or law enforcement for 120 days, and for every 120 days thereafter until Saudi Arabia meets certain human rights conditions. Additionally, it would prevent the export of surveillance technology to Saudi Arabia for suppression of peaceful protestors or anti-government advocates and require a report on whether Saudi authorities engaged in intimidation or harassment of Jamal Khashoggi or any individual in the United States. Finally, this legislation would require the review and potential closure of Saudi diplomatic facilities if they are being used to surveil Saudi nationals living in the United States and require the Intelligence Community to report on whether it fulfilled its duty to warn Khashoggi of an impending threat against him.
The Protection of Saudi Dissidents Act remains the only Saudi accountability legislation that has passed the House of Representatives, and in this Congress, we will continue the fight to pass the legislation a fourth time. The Senate, and the administration, must join our effort.
U.S.-Saudi relations will survive the murder of Jamal Khashoggi, but we have an opportunity and a responsibility to reorient this relationship. It must start with transparency and accountability for Jamal’s murder.
Jamal loved his native Saudi Arabia and wanted to see it and his people prosper. In his last column for the Post, published posthumously, Jamal espoused the importance of democratic freedoms, particularly a free press for Arab voices, saying, “The Arab world needs a modern version of the old transnational media so citizens can be informed about global events.” So that “ordinary people in the Arab world would be able to address the structural problems their societies face.”
On this solemn anniversary, we must honor him by ensuring that his death marks a turning point in Saudi’s human rights record, in U.S.-Saudi relations, and the protection of Saudi dissidents around the world.
Gerry Connolly represents Virginia’s 11th District and is a senior member of the House Committee on Foreign Affairs.
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