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Russia has been labeled an “alcoholic empire” and, despite Vladimir Putin abstaining from drinking, the influence of “vodka politics” remains prevalent.
Alcohol abuse is widespread not only among ordinary citizens but also among senior politicians. Recently, heavy drinking has reached alarming levels within the administration. According to a report by the Russian independent portal Verstka, Kremlin officials have escalated from seeking solace in a glass of vodka to consuming an entire bottle during their working hours.
This surge in alcohol consumption can be attributed to the stress caused by the war in Ukraine, internal tensions within the ruling camp and Western sanctions. The problem has worsened since March when Kyiv announced its upcoming counteroffensive, and Prigozhin’s rebellion, which revealed cracks in Putin’s leadership, might exacerbate the situation.
It is no wonder that Russian soldiers also turn to alcohol for comfort.
Drinking in the military has been a common practice dating back to pre-modern times, as alcohol was believed to provide soldiers with “liquid courage.” Thus rations of beverages were commonly issued to the troops. Russian forces, in particular, were traditionally dispensed a “charka” of vodka since the late 18th century. However, when abused, alcohol undermines discipline and fighting power, with servicemembers becoming “more interested in the bottle than in the battle.”
The Russian invasion of Ukraine in 2022 revealed a severe problem of drunkenness among the ranks, prompting authorities to impose bans on alcohol sales in some occupied territories. However, these measures proved insufficient to curb the issue. The British Ministry of Defense identified heavy drinking as “particularly detrimental to combat effectiveness” of Russian troops, significantly contributing to the high death rates.
The use of non-alcoholic drugs by combatants, such as opium, heroin, cannabis and amphetamine, has historically been equally widespread, and the Russian military today is no exception. The full-scale war against Ukraine faced the Kremlin leadership with an acute shortage of military personnel, primarily assault units. This led to an unprecedented recruitment advertising campaign, enticing young volunteers with a monthly baseline salary of around $2,500, a sum only 1 percent of Russians earn, while the average income is less than $700 per month. This incentive attracted the most needy and vulnerable citizens, including substance abuse addicts, to enlist in the war.
Recruits, including volunteers, conscripts from the Luhansk and Donetsk People’s Republics, and mobilized Russian civilians, have not been screened for drug use. However, the problem is real. Drug trafficking has long been the second largest crime after theft, and tens of thousands of young Russians regularly or periodically take illicit substances. In recent years, Russian cities have witnessed a surge in the consumption of powerful and severely habit-forming stimulants, such as mephedrone and “bath salts,” leading to an increase in addiction within the general population and, consequently, in the military.
Historically, soldiers have sought intoxication as a coping mechanism to mitigate the stress and mental toll of combat. This also holds true for the Russian troops severely lacking psychological care. In occupied Donetsk and the Rostov regions, as well as the Krasnodar territory bordering Ukraine, drugs are easily available for well-paid servicemembers who also enrich themselves by looting, which further exacerbates the problem. Similar to the Afghan War (1979-89), when a large proportion of the Red Army abused various intoxicants, including cannabis, hashish, heroin and opium, the Russian authorities are currently diligently concealing negative statistics regarding troops fighting in Ukraine.
However, indirect evidence indicates a growing problem, with increased drug-related criminal cases in many military courts for the purchase and distribution of illicit substances since the second half of 2022. Frequently, these courts consider combat experience and decorations as extenuating circumstances and impose minimum punishments. And command offices have even requested lenient sentences, citing the need for personnel on the front lines.
Amid the escalating issue of substance abuse in the military, the involvement of the Wagner Group is worth considering, as they recruit members from penal colonies populated by convicts with drug-related offenses. In exchange for sentences of eight to 15 years in prison, these convicts-turned-recruits can earn their freedom if they stay alive for six months in combat. Although no official statistics are available, numerous dead fighters identified as Wagner’s mercenaries buried in Bakinskaya village near Krasnodar were previously convicted of drug offenses. The presence of illegal substances in penitentiaries indicates that many of Wagner’s men had prior drug addictions, as revealed by Radio Liberty’s investigation into the mercenaries who underwent rehabilitation at the hotel resorts in the Krasnodar territory, where they rampantly consumed alcohol and drugs.
Evidence from Ukrainian troops and materials recovered from the battlefield show that many Russian soldiers have reportedly been fighting under the influence of amphetamine-like substances, particularly mephedrone. Reports also say that untrained conscripts were sent drugged as “disposable troops” in human waves to disclose Ukrainian positions and prepare the ground for better-trained units. This tactic is reminiscent of a demining technique employed by the Soviets in the Winter War (1939-40), where dulled with vodka, infantrymen marched in close-order rows clearing terrain for tank divisions. During intensive fighting in Bakhmut this spring, the Russians also launched “zombie waves,” recklessly trying to overcome Ukrainian lines. These blind and fierce charges, resembling Japanese suicidal banzai attacks during the Pacific War, suggest that soldiers may have been under the influence of drugs, although evidence is sparse.
It is important to keep in mind that there is nothing unprecedented about intoxicants helping Russian troops. Throughout history, commanders often overlooked drug use among troops as long as it did not undermine combat effectiveness and morale. And that is precisely the point: The pervasive and growing substance abuse within the Russian army adds to its generally poor condition and lack of esprit de corps.
Łukasz Kamieński is the author of “Shooting Up. A Short History of Drugs and War.” He is an associate professor at the Faculty of International and Political Studies at the Jagiellonian University in Kraków and the director of LSE IDEAS Central and South-East Europe Program at the Jagiellonian University. The author acknowledges the assistance of Andrey Krasno, a journalist working in the North Caucasus.