It’s the question I get most often from those who, like me, abhor Donald Trump and the poison he peddles: “How can so many people find him appealing?”
Part of the Donald’s attraction stems from his considerable leadership skills, which I dissected a couple of weeks ago.
{mosads}In part, he creates an identity for his followers by distinguishing sharply between an aggrieved “us” and a guilty “them.” “We” are white and tend to be non-college educated, hardworking men who last did well under Bill Clinton but have given up all their gains since then. “They” are Mexicans, Muslims and immigrants more broadly, along with foreign nations.
In a RAND Corporation poll, 60 percent of those who believe “immigrants threaten American customs and values” were supporting Trump in his bid for the presidency, compared to 16 percent for rival Ted Cruz. “We” vs. “they.”
At another level, the Trump constituency includes three partially overlapping segments.
The first, and the smallest, is the “haters.” Some Trump supporters simply dislike Mexicans, Muslims, African-Americans and others. They see a once white society becoming increasingly diverse and they resent it.
Twenty percent of Trumpeteers opposed Lincoln’s emancipation of the slaves, and his supporters were more likely than those of any other candidate to oppose desegregation of the military. Sixteen percent of Trump voters adopt the ultimate banner of bigotry, saying whites are “a superior race.”
A second segment is attracted by Trump’s wealth and apparent (though apparently not real) business acumen, responding to it in two ways.
Some are convinced the real estate tycoon’s wealth renders him “unbossed and unbought,” to borrow Shirley Chisholm’s words. Americans are enraged by what they see as rampant corruption in Washington, where they believe votes are bought and sold as often as T-shirts. Last year, 75 percent of Americans told Gallup they believed “corruption is widespread throughout the
government.”
Because he’s a multibillionaire, Trump, they believe, is immune from the pervasive and pernicious influence of money in our politics.
Other Republicans see hope in Trump’s wealth. “If he did it for himself, just maybe he can do it for us. Perhaps he can get the economy back on track. Perhaps with Trump in charge I’ll get the raise I’ve been waiting for these last 35 years.” At least twice as many GOP primary voters have confidence in Trump’s ability to deal with the economy as any other candidate.
A final segment of the Trump constituency feels betrayed by a Republican leadership they think has compromised and equivocated and therefore failed to repeal ObamaCare or eliminate the deficit or keep its other promises. They may not understand “the system,” but they won’t buy excuses.
According to a Fox News poll, 62 percent of Republican primary voters feel “betrayed” by their party’s politicians, while 66 percent believe Congressional Republicans failed to do everything they could have to stop President Obama’s agenda.
By contrast, Trump boasts a backbone of steel. When he is criticized for some crazy remark, he does not back down, he doubles down. And someone who doubles down in the face of criticism will not back down in Washington’s political battles, Trump’s supporters conclude.
According to a Quinnipiac Poll, Trump was the choice of 66 percent of Florida primary voters who most wanted a “strong leader.” A Bloomberg survey in South Carolina found 51 percent saying Trump was the candidate most likely to “take on the Washington establishment;” 43 percent said he was the most likely to bring needed change.
Reponses to a question posed in a recent poll of GOP primary voters summarizes two elements of Trump’s appeal: 59 percent of Republican primary voters strongly agreed that “what this country needs is a strong leader to shake things up in Washington.”
Among this group, focused on leadership and the evils of Washington, 50 percent ranked Trump as their first choice — a level of appeal far greater than any other candidate exerts.
Mellman is president of The Mellman Group and has worked for Democratic candidates and causes since 1982. Current clients include the minority leader of the Senate and the Democratic whip in the House.